Elections, Bourgeois Democracy, and Development Essays

Elections, Bourgeois Democracy, and Development Essays Elections, Bourgeois Democracy, and Development Essay Elections, Bourgeois Democracy, and Development Essay Those who make peaceful change impossible, make violent change inevitable. To a very large extent, elections and electoral practices shape the fate of the modern nation state. The reason for this is not difficult to establish. Elections provide the medium, by which the deferent interest groups within the modern nation state can stake and resolve their claims to power through peaceful means. Elections therefore determine the manner and methods by which changes In the social order may be brought about. Where this method fails, individuals and groups may be left to their win means including assassinations, coup datasets, revolutions, insurgency and bush wars to press their claim to power. It is this fact more than any thing else that makes the subject of elections and electoral practices In Nigeria so crucial today. As we are aware, the controversial elections of 1965 produced the coup detat of January 1966. Again the flawed elections of 1983 produced the military coup of December 31, 1983. Finally, Bandages flawed elections of 1993 produced the Abaca palace coup of that year and paved the way to his memorable dictatorship. As we look now awards 2007 against the background of the failed elections of 2003 and 2004 the question naturally arises as to whether our country can arrive there in one piece or survive it in whatever form thereafter. In order to answer this question or suggest ways In which it can be answered so that we can arrive there, as one country with a renewed faith in the democratic process, there Is a need to examine the nature of elections and its place in furthering democracy and development in a bourgeois social order such as ours. 2. Elections. Bourgeois Democracy and Development Almost everywhere, the enlightened self-interest of the ruling class dictated that autocracy be replaced first by the classical form of democracy and that next, the classical form itself be replaced by Its liberal form within the context of representative democracy. This is not to say that members of the ruling class voluntarily, willingly and at their own initiative conceded the right of elections. Even in the Greek city state with which the classical idea of democracy is most closely associated, only free men could participate In the debates and therefore Influence the mode of governance of the city. Thus slaves were not allowed to participate In the debates as the Greek city was divided between the nobility and subjects and freemen and slaves. The emergence of bourgeois society, not only produced struggles to redefine the meaning but also the practice of democracy. From the bourgeois point of view, democracy becomes: OF 29 arriving at political, legislative and administrative decisions. It is a method by which the individual acquires the power to participate in decisions by means of a competitive struggle for the peoples vote.. It is the competition for votes that is the distinguishing character of the democratic method.. Further, democracy ensures: Meaningful and extensive competition among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties, either directly or indirectly, for the major positions of governmental power, a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies, least through regular and fair elections, such that no major (adult) social group is excluded, and a level of civil and political liberties freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and Join organizations sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and articulation (Diamond, 1988:4) It can be seen that that the concept of elections or the vote and the processes associated with it are seen to lie at the heart of a system of representative democracy. The other elements are the guarantee of civil and political liberties and the existence of an institutional arrangement or government whose function it is to maintain the aforementioned elements throu gh, among other things, the rule of law. This is not the place to undertake a critique of the theoretical postulations and hence practical implications and applications of the bourgeois concept of democracy (we eave undertaken such a critique elsewhere Away, 1995). What is important is that elections play a crucial role in the bourgeois understanding of democracy and that the stability of the bourgeois order is premised upon the credibility of its elections. Further, this understanding has provided the benchmarks against which democratic and hence electoral practices have been measured in all bourgeois contexts in the world (Dye and Ziegler, 1971). As an index of the culture of politics in a context, these benchmarks also indicate that the integrity of the electoral process has major implications for the level of economic ND social development that are possible or attainable in that context (Family, Jay and Webby, 2003). As Aka (2001: 1-6) has pointed out, that both the failure of development and the failure to put development on the agenda in Africa are largely attributable to political conditions. One of these more salient conditions is the conception of politics as Warfare by the politically active segment of the ruling class. The implication of this however is that there is a recursive relationship between political practices as engendered by the political system and development. A political ultra that is defined by violence makes development impossible because by its very nature, such a political culture is destructive of the need and motivation for achievement. A culture of elections that is marked by violence and warfare is thus totally anathema to the possibilities of development. As Kooky (2003:vii) has pointed out in Do the Votes Count? Final Report of the 2003 General Elections in Nigeria: Elections are a complex set of activities with different variables that act and feed on one another. It can be defined as a formal act of collective decision that occurs in a treat of connected antecedent and subsequent behavior. It involves the participation of the people in the act of electing their leaders and their own participation in governance. Elections are not necessarily about Election Day activities although it forms an important component. It encompasses activities before, during and after elections. It includes the legal and constitutional framework of elections, the registration of political parties, party campaigns, the activities of the electronic and print media in terms of access; it includes campaign financing, the activities of the security agencies and the government in power. It includes the authenticity and genuineness of the voters register; it includes the independence or lack of it of electoral agencies and organs. It includes the liberalism or otherwise of the political process in the country and the independence of adjudicating bodies of elections. An examination of the character of elections in Nigeria must thus deal with these issues, not simply in a theoretical sense but more in terms of the way in which they have functioned over the period. It is particularly important in this regard that such an examination deals with not one but all elections that have occurred in the context n order to discover underlying dynamics and thus to be sure that in suggesting the way forward, it deals, not with symptoms but with causes. For this reason we shall examine elections and electoral practices in Nigeria in four phases. These will be: v Elections in the colonial period v Elections in the first ears of independence v Elections during the years of military rule and autocracy v Elections under civilian regimes in between the years of military rule and autocracy 3. Elections in the Period of colonial rule A number of elections were held in Nigeria in the colonial period. These elections Egan with the legislative councils in Lagos and Callback from 1922 (Kernel, 2003). The growth of the labor movement and the development of towns led to concessions by colonial authorities that culminated in these city and legislative council elections. By 1938, for example, the Nigerian Youth Movement, an organization that was hostile to British colonial interests in Lagos in particular and Nigeria in general was able to win three out of the four available seats in the city council elections. In the same year, it also won all three legislative seats in the legislative council elections. Several other elections took place between 1951 and institution of the same year, the 1954 elections took place under the new Federal Constitution. Whereas all constitutions up to 1954 limited the right of elections to certain members of the population, the Federal Constitution granted universal adult suffrage. In the book, British Administration in Nigeria: 1900-1950 A Nigerian View, John has provided a graphic account of the motives for and electoral practices of the period. In the 1951 and subsequent elections for example, the British colonialists worked assiduously to tilt the political scale in favor of the Northern Peoples Congress (NP). Coordinated by Sir Bryan who was to become the Lieutenant Governor and Governor of Northern Nigeria during the crucial run off period to flag independence, these efforts ensured that the genuine pro-democracy forces in the country did not acquire political power. For example, Sir Bryan confessed that in the elections of 1951, he not only helped to prepare Naps manifesto, slogans and strategies but that in the case of more than a dozen, I had to hold and guide the pen hand, after cajoling from them the names of those for whom they wished to vote. He also confessed to election manipulations even in areas where Muslims were in a minority so that the Northern Peoples Congress could win 90% of the votes. Commenting on the 1951 elections and Sir Brans role in it, John (1974:331) has observed that: An American scholar has described Sir Brans account of the 1951 elections in Kane over which the latter presided, as revealing as it is obtuse. Sir Bryan became, in the last ten years of his Northern Nigeria service the chief pillar of the administrative establishment in that part of the country. Under him and his other British associates in power, the defense of the status quo became much more than an official preoccupation. In the face of the threats from within the North represented by such lunatic fringe anti-British parties as the Northern Elements Progressive Union and the Middle Zone League, and represented from without by such parties as the Action Group or the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon, the British residents decided to throw their weight in support of the fledging Northern Peoples Congress, the only party in Northern Nigeria dedicated to the preservation of the status quo. The 1951 elections to the regional legislature, conducted under the McPherson constitution, were conducted with the resident of ACH province as the chief electoral officer. Sir Bryan was the Resident of Kane province at this time, a province which had to select twenty of the ninety seats of the new Northern House of Assembly. This pattern of electoral practices was repeated in the subsequent post 1951 elections. Against the background of the Richards and McPherson constitutional provisions which stipulated that 50% of the seats in Parliament be reserved for the Northern part of the country, it is not surprising that the Northern Peoples Congress assumed control of political power at flag independence in 1960. In effect, the manipulation of the electoral process by the British ensured as Chief Anthony Narrow (1985:21 ,22) has succinctly observed, that Nigeria became the only country in the entire history of the anti-colonial struggles of our time in which those who of meeting the challenges of independence The truth of the matter, which determined efforts to falsify history cannot forever conceal, is that the nationalists who were prepared to work, to fight, to risk, to dare to die if need be so that a new and democratic nation might be born, these people lost control of the situation and ere displaced or succeeded by those who had remained untouched by the unifying and modernizing flames of the new nationalism When independence came in the fullness of time, neither the goodwill of progressive forces Or our trade unions, nor our youth could prevent the inevitable course of events when those who were least disposed towards democracy became the official guardians our fledging democracy. 4 Elections in the first years of independence: 1960 1965 Three sets of elections were held in the period from 1960 1965. These were the elections in the newly reared Midwest Region in February 1964, the Federal elections of December 1964 and the Regional elections of 1965. The prelude to the December 1964 Federal elections was provided by the census exercise and the creeping crisis in the Western Region from 1962 onwards. The census results released in March 1961 had shown that the South had a higher population than the North. As the time of the Federal elections approached, the Bale NP government not only cancelled the 1961 census results but also slated a recount for 1963. Then Just before the elections in 1964, the new census results were released. The results declared that the North had 55% of the population of the country. For the NCSC which had gone into alliance with NUMB, NINEPIN and its old adversary, the GAG to form the United Progressive Alliance and therefore hoped to win the Federal elections because it anticipated the census results to revalidated the 1961 results, and because it was already in control of virtually three out of the four Regions in the federation, the census figures provided the last straw in a litany of pre-election measures by the NP government that were aimed at frustrating the opposition. Demagogy (1981:19) recounts that: .. As the elections approached, the NP government of the North did not hesitate to frustrate the PUPS candidates in the North, so that many of them could not file in their nomination papers. Hence, before the elections, sixty-seven NP candidates had been declared elected unopposed. That did not go down well with the PUPS leadership who called for an immediate postponement of the elections. But the Below Government rejected the idea of postponement. Thereupon, the PUPS led by Dry. Spark, the Premier of the Eastern Region, called for a mass boycott of the election by its supporters. Again, the Below government ordered the election to go ahead in spite of the boycott. Thus, the elections of December 1964 turned out to be a farce. It was completely boycotted in the Eastern Region, where the NCSC Government used its powers to ensure that no election was held. It was also partly boycotted in the West, North, Mid-West and Lagos, with the effect that the election results lacked credit and were nationally unacceptable. However, while the PUPS rejected them, the NP and its allies of the ANA, which single-handedly carried out the elections, accepted them. There followed a national stalemate. Farcical. Although the people clearly rejected the Okinawa government at the polls and voted massively for the GAG opposition party, the Okinawa government publicly (interfered) with the results of the elections. In very many cases, GAG candidates who held certificates that they were duly elected in their constituencies later heard their names mentioned as defeated candidates through governmental news media (Demagogy, 1981:21-22). These developments, including the simmering TIP revolt in the Middle Belt, the political impasse at the centre, the resulting mass revolt in the Western Region by the people who felt rightly that they had been cheated at he polls set the stage for the first military coup of January 15, 1966. 5. Elections during the years of military rule and autocracy The military rulers conducted three elections during their period of misrule. These were (I) the elections of 1979, under the first coming of Bassoon, the 1992-1993 elections under General Bandaging and the 1999 elections under General Abdominal Babushka. Commenting on these elections, especially on the first and the last, the EX. Election Group, which monitored the 2003 elections has suggested that, the most free, fair and peacefully conducted elections in Nigeria were those in 1959, 979, 1993 and 1999, and the most chaotic, violent and disputed were those in 1964 and 1983. The reason for this is that the first three were transition elections in which the regimes in power and responsible for organizing the elections had to hand over power to a democratic civilian regime. So, in 1959 the British colonial regime wanted a smooth transfer of power to Nigerian self-government, in 1979 the military government of General Bassoon viewed itself as an interim fixture to ensure stability and then hand over to elected officials, in 1993 a combination of internal and external pressure forced General Bandaging to organism the elections and in 1999, after the disastrous rule of General Abaca the military had no political credibility and wanted only to disengage as quickly as possible. In contrast, the other elections can be viewed as potential consolidation elections, in which an elected civilian government was responsible for organizing elections to hand over power to a successor regime. The failure of these elections to consolidate democracy (each led in fact to disruption and eventually a return to military rule) was due to the elegance of the incumbent regime to allow a level playing field, in case they lost their grip on power. Both the assessment of these elections and the reasons advanced for the Judgment are greatly at variance with the historical facts, some of which we have already provided. The assessment is also greatly flawed by the assumption that voter behavior on voting day is indicative of the fairness and peacefulness of elections. The colonial and military regimes were rooted in force and repression. Thus arrangements for voting were also highly militarisms. The 1993 elections, for example, reduced the 12 2/3 controversy, which the Bassoon military regime resolved in favor of its interests. The elections of 1992-1993 were frequently delayed, cancelled, postponed and adjusted to produce a result predetermined by the military. In the annulled by General Bandaging on the excuse that the military was uncomfortable with them. The 1999 election results were also predetermined. Acting in concert with neo-colonial and imperialist interests, the dominant coalition within the local ruling class drafted General Bassoon into a political process that ended with him being declared the winner of the process. All these processes occurred with flawed electoral rules, without legitimate and valid constitutions, with electoral agencies under the firm Jackboots of military rulers. Thus it was public knowledge that Professor Henry Knows who replaced Proof. Away as head of Bandages electoral agency was brutalized by security agents on account of the fact that he dared in 1993 to announce some of the authentic results. In 1993 as in 1999, the political parties were the creatures of the military despots. They were, as the late Chief Bola leg characterized them, all leprous fingers on the same leprous hand. 6. Elections under civilian regimes from 1983 onwards From 1983 onwards, three sets of elections were conducted under the civilian regimes. These were the general elections of 1983 under the She Shari NP government, the general elections of 2003 and the local government elections of 2004 under General Bassoon. In the 1983 elections, the ruling NP government perpetrated all sorts of electoral atrocities. The voting process, voter registration, and actual votes cast were all grossly distorted. To produce the so-called landslides, moonshines and bandwagon effects, the order of elections was reversed and voters sisters inflated. For example, whereas the order of elections provided that the Presidential elections be held last, the NP government decided that these elections would come first. In Mandrake, a suburb of Fife, voter registration Jumped from an original 26,000 voters to 250,000 thus making the voting population there more than the voting population of the whole of Fife. Indeed, at the national level, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEEDER) announced that voter registration had increased from 1971 to in 1983. This was in spite of the fact that the 1979 figures had indeed been considered to be highly inflated. FEEDER and the state owned mass media became willing and active accomplices in the electoral frauds perpetrated by the NP government in power. For example, FEEDER played an active role in deepening the crisis that engulfed such opposition parties as the Peoples Redemption Party (PR) and Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNP). It also selectively accorded recognition and hence registration to political parties that would weaken the opposition to the NP government. The state owned media equally crude partisanship in playing its role. The Nigeria Television Authority (ANTA) became, in effect, the campaign mouthpiece of the NP overspent as it bandied around slogans that were meant to intimidate the opposition and assure victory for the NP government in power. The NP government also intimidated political opponents. Alkali Shabby was deported from the country on the ridiculous grounds that he was not a Nigerian. The Nigerian Police was equally used to intimidate the opposition. Thus armored vehicles were and were subsequently used by the police to perpetrate massive electoral frauds. Not surprisingly, the results of the elections were rejected by the opposition parties and the ensuing crisis provided the context for the military to stage another coup on December 31, 1983. The final elections by a civilian government were the general elections of 2003 and the Local government elections of 2004. Conducted under the Bassoon government, these elections (including the various party primaries) will go down in history as the most fraudulent and equal only to a coup detat against the people. All commentaries on the 2003 and 2004 elections except those from the PDP government in power are unanimous in their verdict that all aspects of the elections were fraudulent. The following excerpts from the Report by the Transition Monitoring Group are indicative of the general texture of the 2003 elections: Twenty-nine of the registered political parties that either contested or did not contest the elections have variously rejected the results as announced by the NICE declaring the results as fraudulent. Both Domestic and International Election Observers documented massive irregularities that characterized the elections and refused to endorse the elections as free and fair. Some political parties and their candidates decided to challenge some of the results before the various Election Petition tribunals and have gone ahead to do so while others declared mass action to pressure a government without popular mandate to abdicate power. It is now historical reality that no electoral instrument in the history of Nigeria has been so challenged and so thoroughly discredited like the electoral Act 2001. Its replacement, the Electoral Act 2002 has also had its own fair share of controversy and nobody can now say with certainty whether the operative law is the Electoral Act 2001 or 2002 Act. What we have is a situation where the political gladiators sought to use the instrumentality of any documents which best served their personal advantage, creating an uncertainty in the electoral process. It is self evident that elements within the political class and the different political arties drawing from their experiences during the 1998 voters registration process perfected the art of rigging the 2003 elections. The full import of their actions dawned on the country when NICE on its own excluded millions of names from the voters register. From the report of Domestic election Observers during the 2003 elections, there are so many voters cards that are still in the hands of ghost and underage voters. Those who sought to corrupt the electoral process used those cards effectively and to their advantage during the three strands of elections conducted by EN-C. During the elections, the Nigerian people trooped out in large numbers to cast their votes. In fact, during the registration of voters, most state governments threatened residents of their various states with sanctions if they did not go out to repeated the same feat during the National Assembly and Presidential / Gubernatorial elections. They demonstrated patriotism and resilience. In some states, gunmen tried to chase them away from polling stations. In other states, political thugs simply made away with the ballot boxes and or stuffed the ballot boxes with unlawful votes. Yet again, in some states, ghost and under age voters kook the centre stage while in others, community leaders and other leaders of thought did the voting on behalf of their communities. While the voters waited and persevered in the polling stations to cast their votes, the political class and the political parties had different ideas. The voters wanted their votes to determine the winner of elections while the political class wanted to corrupt the process and rig their way into elective offices. Besides the electoral malpractices and irregularities that characterized the elections in some states, other issues combined to undermine the process. The political parties on whose shoulders Estes voter education and manipulation simply abandoned the duty to civil society groups and organizations. Party agents had to do the voting on behalf of the voters while in other places, security agents assisted those who could not identify the symbol of the parties they intended to vote for. NICE contributed its own fair share of electoral problems. The lack of clearly designated compartments for thumb printing undermined the secrecy of the vote and exposed the voters to the machinations of those that would have preferred community voting. NICE also did not make adequate arrangements for the remonstration of sensitive election materials to polling stations and to collation centers. Result sheets disappeared and re-appeared in different forms at collation centers while corrupt party agents simply sold unused ballot papers to the highest bidder. Following the reversal of the process for the order of the elections by NICE, voters deserted the State House of Assembly elections. Thus no real voting took place in these elections although winners emerged from the process These massive electoral frauds so demoralized the public that by 2004 when the Local Government elections took place, the governments in power simply allocated toes to candidates as they wished. All the elections were characterized by threats of, or, actual assassination of political opponents. The security agencies either simply stood by while these crimes were being committed or took active part in facilitating electoral frauds in order to assist the government in power. Thus in many instances, political candidates who did not stand for elections were returned as having won elections. These events were helped by others, notably; multiple, ghost and underage voting, violence, intimidation and harassment, stuffing of ballot boxes, stealing and eying votes, disruption of polls, absence of electoral officers, intimidation of election observers, and Justification of rigging by the President, Governors, ministers and party officials. TM, 2003). 7 Common Features of Nigerian Elections the period, elections in Nigeria have shared a number of common characteristics. First, they have been particularly characterized by massive frauds, the intimidation of political opponents and controversy. The governments in power have had their own designs and used the instruments of the state in penetrating electoral brigandage, tougher, violence and warfare. Secondly, while there has been continuity in violence and warfare, there has been lack of continuity in the political organizations through which both violence and warfare have been conducted. Each period has thus produced new political formations reflecting not only the penchant for lack of principle and shifting allegiance among members of the political class but also the total De-idealization of the issues on which members of the class were divided into antagonistic camps. For example, the major political parties in the 1951 1966 period were the NP, the NCSC and the GAG. Between 1979 and 1983, the major political arties in the field became the NP, UPON and NP. Between 1987 and 1993, the members of the political class were herded into the NRC and the SAD. During Bachs Vicarage assisted ill-fated self-succession bid, the two herds metamorphosed into the famous five leprous fingers on the same leprous hand. Between 1999 and 2003, the five leprous fingers changed major into the PDP, AD and the KNAP. Thirdly, what is striking about this pattern of lack of continuity in the political platforms used by members of the political class to compete for power is not simply that the names of the platforms keep changing; it is rather that there is simply no tatter to the way in which members of the class change their political allegiance. This situation assumed such tragic proportions in the 2003 elections that an individual politician could and did change party membership three of four times on the same day. Over the years, this shifting political allegiance has meant that there has been no tradition of party building among members of the political class. Fourthly, the sudden shifts and turns in political commitments and orientations have meant that the parties have not been defined by ideological positions that set them apart from each other. And yet, such defining and at the same time limiting ideologies are crucial to the development of a genuine political culture for several reasons. First, they indicate the overall direction of development favored by the different sections of the political class. They thus enable the electorate to make informed choices. Secondly, they permit reforms within the political parties themselves as the constant interaction between the favored ideology and reality creates a permanent tension towards change and realignment of the different components of the ideology. In the process, the parties change and become more need to the demands of society. Thirdly and perhaps most importantly, they prevent the seizure of the centre stage of political action and practice by calculations based on primordial and potentially divisive political orientations. Indeed, one clear consequence of the absence of an ideologically driven political competition among the political elite in Nigeria is the resort to ethnicity as the primary credential for qualifying for the stake to power. The practice not only reinforces primordial divisions; as a result of this fact, it also prevents the emergence of a national consciousness and national identity.

Virginia Hall Biography

Virginia Hall Biography Virginia Hall Goillot (born Virginia Hall, April 6, 1906 – July 8, 1982) was an American spy who worked with the British Special Operations Executive during World War II. Her effectiveness as a spy earned her the â€Å"honor† of being considered the most dangerous Allied spy by the Nazi German regime. Fast Facts: Virginia Hall Known For: Renowned spy who assisted the French Resistance during World War II, working for both British and American intelligence and becoming one of the Nazis most-wanted enemies.Born: April 6, 1906 in Baltimore, MarylandDied: July 8, 1982 in Rockville, MarylandSpouse: Paul Gaston Goillot (m. 1950)Honors: Member of the Order of the British Empire (1943), Distinguished Service Cross (1945), Croix de Guerre avec Palme Early Life and Education Virginia Hall was born in Baltimore, Maryland, to Barbara and Edwin Hall. Her name, Virginia, was her mother’s middle name. As a young girl, she attended the all-girls preparatory school Roland Park Country School. She eventually attended Radcliffe College and then Barnard, the prestigious women’s college, studying foreign language including French, German, and Italian. With her parents’ support, Hall went to Europe to finish off her studies. She traveled extensively on the Continent, studying in Austria, France, and Germany in the late 1920s, with the goal of working in the diplomatic corps. In 1931, she began working at the American embassy in Warsaw, Poland, as a clerk for the Consular Service; this was intended to be a stepping stone for a full-fledged career in the Foreign Service. However, in 1932, Hall had a hunting accident that resulted in the partial amputation of her leg. Forced to adapt to life with a wooden leg she nicknamed â€Å"Cuthbert,† her traditional diplomatic career was over before it began. Hall resigned from the Department of State in 1939 and returned to Washington, D.C., where she attended graduate school at American University. Special Operations Executive In 1940, as World War II spread across Europe, Hall was in Paris. She had joined the Ambulance Service to help in the war effort in France, but she wound up in Vichy territory when France fell to the invading Nazis. Hall was able to leave France and get to London, where she volunteered for the Special Operations Executive, the British espionage organization. Using the cover of a reporter for the New York Post, Hall spent over a year in Vichy France, working to coordinate the activities of the French Resistance. In 1942, she worked alongside noted SOE operative Peter Churchill on a couple of missions, involving the delivery of money and agents to the French spy networks. Hall worked primarily in and around Toulouse and Lyon. Hall’s work was discreet, but she quickly got on the radar of the occupying Germans. Nicknamed â€Å"the limping lady,† she was deemed one of the regime’s most wanted. In 1942, Germany seized all of France, and Hall needed to escape quickly. She narrowly escaped Lyon by train, then hiked through the Pyrenees to make it to Spain. Throughout the ordeal, her sense of humor remained intact- she transmitted to her SOE handlers that she hoped â€Å"Cuthbert† wouldn’t give her trouble during her escape. She was briefly arrested for crossing into Spain illegally, but was released with the help of the American embassy. For about a year, she worked with the SOE based out of Madrid, then returned to London, where she was recognized with an honorary Member of the Order of the British Empire. Continuing Intelligence Career After completing her work with the SOE, Hall’s spy career wasn’t over. She joined the equivalent American organization, the Office of Strategic Services, Special Operations Branch, and requested a chance to return to France, still under Nazi occupation. Granting her request, the OSS sent her to Brittany, France, with a false identity and a code name. Over the course of the next year, Hall mapped out safe zones for supply drops and safe houses, worked with the major Operation Jedburgh, personally helped train Resistance fighters in guerilla warfare, and sent a constant stream of reporting back to Allied intelligence. Her work continued up until the very end of the war; Hall only ceased reporting once Allied forces caught up to her and her team in September 1945. Upon returning to the United State, Hall married Paul Goillot, a former OSS operative himself. The pair both transitioned into work at the Central Intelligence Agency, where Hall became an intelligence analyst, specializing in French parliamentary affairs. Both Hall and Goillot were assigned to the Special Activities Divison: the CIA division focused on covert operations. Retirement, Death, and Recognition After fifteen years at the CIA, Hall retired in 1966, moving with her husband to a Barnesville, Maryland, farm. She died sixteen years later at the age of 76 in Rockville, Maryland, and is buried nearby. During her life, Hall was awarded some of the most prestigious honors in the world. Not only was she made an honorary MBE, but she also received a Distinguished Service Cross, the only such award given to a woman in World War II, from the American government. The French, meanwhile, awarded her a Croix de Guerre to honor her work in occupied France. After her death, the honors continued: she was commemorated in 2006, on what would have been her 100th birthday, by the French and British ambassadors to the United States, and she was inducted into the Maryland Women’s Hall of Fame in 2019. She remains one of the most effective and honored spies in American history. Sources Pearson, Judith L. The Wolves at the Door: The True Story of Americas Greatest Female Spy. Guilford, CT: The Lyons Press, 2005.Purnell, Sonia. A Woman of No Importance: The Untold Story of WWII’s Most Dangerous Spy, Virginia Hall. Hachette UK, 2019.â€Å"Virginia Hall: The Courage and Daring of ‘The Limping Lady’.† Central Intelligence Agency, 8 October 2015, https://www.cia.gov/news-information/featured-story-archive/2015-featured-story-archive/virginia-hall-the-courage-and-daring-of-the-limping-lady.html.

Employee Dismissal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Employee Dismissal - Essay Example It the employer is still not satisfied with the employees' performance or conduct he then dismisses the employee or he could even opt for other sanctions. The employee is then allowed to make an appeal if at all he wishes against the disciplinary action that has been taken against him and the employer listens to all the appeals and further gives his final decision. (Honeyball 2006) According to the legislation the employees have a right to receive free, fair and just treatment from their employers. Thus when it comes to dismissing an employee the employer should handle the issue procedurally and in an acceptable manner. The employer needs to also have a valid reason for dismissing an employee. (Deakin and Morris, 2005) There comes a point in an organisation when it becomes really necessary to release an employee as a result of a disciplinary action or even because of an employee's redundancy. However whatever the reason that could be behind the dismissal of an employee there are general requirements as well as legislative procedures that should be followed so as to make the whole dismissal process free and fair. Similarly the decision making process in dismissing an employee should be very professional and there are some guidelines which are to be followed. (Honeyball 2006) If all the avenues have been explored and there is a v... Similarly the decision making process in dismissing an employee should be very professional and there are some guidelines which are to be followed. (Honeyball 2006) Steps employer must take in order to dismiss an employee fairly If all the avenues have been explored and there is a very serious damage that is being done on the businesses as well as the workplace threw may lack any other viable option than dismissing the employee. The reasons behind dismissing an employee should be fair and also legal and three of these reasons could be applied potentially. 1. The employee's capability. If an employees' capability is affected by either sickness or even accident and they are unable to carry out their delegated duties thus affecting the proper functioning of the organisation, then they can be dismissed by an employer. If an employee is dismissal could be termed as fair if it is based on their capability or even their qualifications to perform the expected duties in an organisation. 2. The employee's misconduct. If an employee misbehaves in the work place then this could be proper grounds for his dismissal after proper investigations have been conducted. Similarly if an employee's conduct is not in line with the organisations code of conduct then this could also be a fair ground for the employee to be dismissed. 3. Other substantial reasons. Other substantial reasons could be considered to be fair enough in the dismissal of an employee by an employer. If an employers reason for dismissing an employee is substantial and it can be validated then the dismissal could be termed as being just and also fair. 4. Retirement. If an employee is dismissed based on their retirement schedule then this is considered to be a fair dismissal since the employees retirement

Resume,letter,executive summary Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Resume,letter,executive summary - Essay Example I graduated in year 2009 with a degree in Electrical Engineering, minor in telecommunications applications. I took the state exam for Electrical Engineer Licensure in April of 2010 and passed with the grade of 93.8%. Although I do not have any substantial experience as a licensed Engineer just yet, I have had exposure working for an Engineering firm in 2009, whereby as was tasked to coordinate directly with the resident Electrical Engineers and to provide the necessary assistance in their operations. Some of the projects I was involved in are on semiconductors and vector works. Though limited as my hands on exposure could be, I believe that I was able to gain a considerable amount of knowledge to equip me as I take on my first real job after graduating and obtaining my license. The skills and expertise of an Electrical Engineer are required in construction projects, particularly on the assembly of electrical and electronic systems needed to mobilize the construction team, and post-project to provide the structure the needed electrical system to function according to its design. The person to hold an entry level Electrical Engineer position is not really expected to have intermediate experience on circuit breakers, transformers, induction motors, and other equipment. However, he must have basic knowledge on the principles and basic know hows. He must be able to discuss the principles and apply the concepts as he is prepared to go hands on later on after a period of immersion. Electrical Engineers in an entry level position are expected to assist in the design, implementation, maintenance and improvement of electrical instruments, facilities, products and equipment for various purposes, including commercial, domestic, and industrial purposes. They are also expected to be knowledgeable on the operations of computer-assisted engineering and design software to perform tasks needed to complete a project. As these personnel are still starting up their

Mark McMinn, the author of the book Psychology Essay Example for Free

Mark McMinn, the author of the book Psychology Essay Theology and Spirituality, did an excellent job discussing the aspects of psychology, theology and spirituality, and how they can be integrated by a Counselor. Each chapter opened with a real life example of what it would be like to not properly integrate psychology, theology and spirituality. Christian counselors are charged to incorporate spirituality in their personal lives and properly display these same practices with their clients. Christian counselors are individuals who seek and successfully become trained in counseling theories and techniques as well as theology practices such as using prayer and scripture. â€Å"This type of training can rarely be accomplished in the classroom. But it calls us to lives of spiritual discipline and a personal love for scripture† (McMinn, 2011, p. 139). According to McMinn, the goals of Christian counseling are multi-faceted (McMinn, 2011). Most counseling maps are focused on mental health. McMinn (2011) presented a healing map. This map displayed the link between self-sufficiency, brokenness and the healing relationship and how they relate to the core foundations; prayer, scripture, sin, confessions, forgiveness and redemption. Effective counselors are passionate and irrepressible in the walk with God. McMinn also cautions counselors on the limitations and challenges they will face in counseling. Each section discussed one core foundation. McMinn not only discussed these topics in depth, he also related them to the healing map by answering these three questions; Will this help establish a healthy sense of self? Will this help establish a healthy sense of need? And will this help establish a healing relationship? (McMinn, 2011). McMinn discussed the true purpose that self-sufficiency served and pointed out that this purpose was greatly corrupted, leading to the brokenness that requires a healing relationship. Self-sufficiency is our freedom to love and be kind. When we take this freedom too far, we end up having to face consequences that can have lasting effects, with the absence of a healing relationship. Brokenness not only causes us to seek counseling, but it draws us nearer to God and this in turn allows a true healing relationship to begin (McMinn, 2011). The foundations that McMinn discussed; prayer, scripture, confession of sin, forgiveness and redemptions, are all needed to properly devise therapy that will have actual results. When a counselor uses prayer in their session, it  enhances the client’s spiritual growth which also strengthens their faith (McMinn, 2011). â€Å"When we pray we humble ourselves and ask to become a partner in knowing and doing God’s will† (McMinn, 2011, p.85). When scripture is applied in counseling, it not only teaches the client how to understand it, but how to incorporate it in their lives, further strengthening their relationshi p with God. Scripture also helps the client recognize and understand sin. The realization of sin, helps the client understand why they are suffering and that there is real hope to overcome the suffering when they overcome sin. After acknowledging their sin, the client can now accept forgiveness and mercy. When the client is competent in acknowledging their sin and accepting mercy, they are not capable of establishing a sense of self (McMinn, 2011). The best part of the process is redemption. Redemption allows the counselor to honestly look at each core foundation with the client. Redemption provides that mirror of change and the growth to overcome obstacles in the future. Concrete Response Reference McMinn, M. R. (2011). Psychology, theology, and spirituality in Christian counseling (Rev. ed.). Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale House

Summary and Analysis of The Merchants Tale Essays -- Canterbury Tales

Summary and Analysis of The Merchant's Tale (The Canterbury Tales) Prologue to the Merchant's Tale: The merchant claims that he knows nothing of long-suffering wives. Rather, if his wife were to marry the devil, she would overmatch even him. The Merchant claims that there is a great difference between Griselde's exceptional obedience and his wife's more common cruelty. The Merchant has been married two months and has loathed every minute of it. The Host asks the Merchant to tell a tale of his horrid wife. Analysis The prologues that link the various Canterbury Tales shift effortlessly from ponderous drama to light comedy. The lamentable tale of Griselde gives way to the Host's complaint about his shrewish wife. This prologue further illustrates how each of the characters informs the tale he tells. The travelers largely tell tales that conform to their personal experiences or attitudes, such as the Merchant, whose awful marriage is the occasion for his tale about a difficult wife. In most cases the influence of the narrator on his tale is apparent, but the authorial touch lightly felt. The Merchant's Tale, for example, gains little from the prologue's information that the Merchant is disenchanted with his own marriage. Only a few of these tales exist largely as extensions of the characters who tell them; the Wife of Bath's Tale is the most prominent of these stories. The Merchant's Tale: The Merchant tells a tale of a prosperous knight from Lombardy who had not yet taken a wife. But when this knight, January, had turned sixty, whether out of devotion or dotage, he decided to finally be married. He searched for prospects, now convinced that the married life was a paradise on earth. Yet his brother, Placebo, cited... ...y. January's repeated insistence that their intercourse includes a rationalization that a man and wife are one person, and no man would harm himself with a knife, an unpleasant phallic image. January uses May only as a sexual object; he hammers away upon her, bringing her only pain and boredom. The Merchant's Tale also stretches the conventions of fabliau through the climax of the tale in which Pluto and Proserpina intrude upon the sexual intrigues among January, May and John. Proserpina and Pluto discuss the virtues of men and women in marriage, coming to the conclusion that few men are commendable, but absolutely no women are worthy. Their intervention in the situation gives divine sanction to the condemnation of women, purposely giving January his sight so that he can condemn his wife (although in a mordant twist, January can literally not believe his eyes).

How significant the impact of corporate social responsibility is associated to the legitimacy theory and stakeholder theory Essay

The research area that I think is both important and of interest is the significance of corporate social responsibility. With the development of academic theory in accounting field, the research of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has gained great promotions. And those researches have brought about profound influences to corporations and publics. The importance of this discussion of significance of corporate social responsibility disclosure is that it can affect many groups of people and a lot of perspectives of society to a large extent. In order words, the disclosure of CSR can be very critical to a society. Another element that makes me feel CSR is important is that some companies may change their practices to respond to the expectations of the society when there is a CSR issue within these companies. For this case, CSR even could potentially facilitate certain industries to a better future. In addition, CSR is important also because that it now trends to involve into a very large range of industry. The CSR became a wide concerned issue. Thus, these factors inescapably draw my attention on to it. The topic of corporate social responsibility is still a young object to study compared with other old theories. This is why this topic attracts me to research it. Moreover, even though CSR has drawn all of the attention from public and companies, there are still plenty misperceptions and many vague parts about it. The purposes of this paper are to clarity the understanding of CSR in many different points of view based on my researches on the topic. Research question The research question of this article, which drew my attention to explore into the theories of accounting area, is that how significant the impact of corporate social responsibility is associated to the legitimacy theory and stakeholder theory. This question led to many interesting facts which will be listed below. Academic Articles 1. Corporate social responsibility: evolution of a deï ¬ nitional Carroll (1999) discussed the history of the evolution of the concept and definition of CSR. As Carroll found, in the 1990s, the CSR conception bridged considerably to alternative themes such as stakeholder theory, business ethics theory, CSP, and corporate citisenship. Carroll holds a positive perspective that CSR will further affect the stakeholder society, particularly at the global level and new emerging technologies arenas, and commercial applications. Thus, the author believes that the CSR has a bright prospective because at its core, it addresses and captures the most important concerns of the public relating to business and society relationships. It is also identified that in the last two decades, CSR continually worked as a core construct but yields to or is transformed into alternative thematic frameworks. 2. Refinements to Legitimacy Theory in Social and Environmental Accounting In this paper, Tilling (2004) showed some points that is relevant to my research. To begin with, he gave the definition of Legitimacy to build the discussion of social and environmental accounting area. In addition, the author also identified some of the more topical developments in the ethical and management aspects on corporations and legitimacy. For example, the author demonstrated fundamental concepts of layers of legitimacy theory. The table brought some ideas about legitimacy theory in different perspectives and it illustrated the phases of an organisation in managing its legitimacy. Moreover, Tilling made some clear thoughts that the contributions of legitimacy theory that have already been made by accounting researchers that are yet to be fully recognised, which means that the essences of legitimacy theory are not fully grasped. Therefore, this explained why social and environment disclosures are voluntary. 3. The Role of Theory in Explaining Motivation for Corporate Social Disclosures: Voluntary Disclosures vs ‘Solicited’ Disclosures Van der Laan (2009) investigates that it is voluntary in nature to public corporate social disclosures (CSD) for entities in early stage since CSR has been developed. And then the author found that the interests of researchers are moving to motivational aspects of disclosures of CSR. More and more companies are requested to report on their interactions with society in various forms which involves the term: ‘solicited’. This phenomenon indicates that the value of reporting CSR is increasingly important. It can be regarded as a natural consequence that the style of disclosure information is likely to be demanded other than only from voluntary actions due to the increasing stresses on organisations to be responsible. Stakeholder theory and legitimacy theory are viewed as explanations of motivations of CSR disclosures. Thus, to stakeholders, legitimacy theory is about management notions rather than accountability. 4. Legitimacy theory: a story of reporting social and environmental matters within the Australian food and beverage industry In this research, Guthrie, Cuganesan & Ward (2006) mentioned the links between the company’s choice of legitimation strategies and company’s level of profile. The authors assumed companies as ‘high profile’ and ‘low profile’. It states that the higher profile the enterprises are, the more possibilities to disclose more CSR information will be. This may be because of the natural quality of this particular industry. Companies in different industries have different motivations towards legitimation owing to their different activities on CSR. Another point is that corporations with high profiles trend to apply more disclosure strategies in order to change expectations and perceptions of public and deflect attention of them. Based on the view of legitimacy theory, this article concludes that CSR is likely to be a trend of corporations to report, which means that, within the legitimacy theory, the CSR significantly affected companies’ strategies in most aspects. 5. Social reporting in the tobacco industry: all smoke and mirrors? Due to the particularity of tobacco industry, the possibility of facing serious erosion of legitimacy appears more in tobacco industry than any other industries. Thus, the effects on mentioning CSR in reports in tobacco industry are likely to be greater than in other businesses. Moerman & Van der Laan (2005) states the process that use social reporting to fix the gap between the social and the economic. Moerman & Van der Laan cited specific data to clarify this belief. With the understanding of legitimacy theory and stakeholder theory, World Health Organisation extends the notion of stakeholders that have the potential to exercise pressure on the ‘legitimacy’ of an industry via global regulation’s control. 6. Gaining legitimacy in contemporary world: environmental and social activities of organisations This article studies the relations between environmental and social motions of organisations and organisational legitimacy. According to Emtairah and Mont (2008), the first point can be made is that CSR activities are likely to influence legitimation efforts of organisations. For instance, energy producing companies are willing to reduce the carbon emission in order to sustain the legitimacy to meet collective set of societal expectations to maintain ‘social license’ to operate. The second point classifies that how those potential variations influence these differences as constructs for further empirical research when companies made choices of CSR activities for legitimation purposes and the conditions. Overall, this article states the reasons for companies to disclose their corporate social responsibility. 7. The Business Case for Corporate Social Responsibility: A Review of Concepts, Research and Practice In this discussion, Carroll & Shabana (2010) states some features of ‘business case’ for corporate social responsibility (CSR). The study of the business case mentions the cause why the companies should accept and improve their CSR. In addition, Carroll & Shabana gives the answers of what the business communities and organizations get out of CSR. Moreover, the most important view that Carroll & Shabana made is that with the evolving understandings of CSR and some of the long-established, the current responsibilities of companies to society is beyond proï ¬ t-seeking and pursuing the maximum wealth, which indicates that corporations should be responsible to their stakeholders even if it occurs sacrifices on profit. Studying business case of CSR may produce some outcomes in good ways which are reducing cost and risk, strengthening legitimacy and reputation, building competitive advantage and creating win–win situations. 8. The Future of Corporate Social Responsibility Reporting In this case, Maguire (2011) pointed out the impacts that CSR has produced to the whole world by analysing the quantity of CSR reporting of different periods. According to the statistics from CorporateRegister.com, in 2009, around 4,000 corporations published CSR disclosures which this figure is 10 times greater than it used to be in the mid of 1990s. Although companies are increasingly attempting to disclose reports about their social and environmental effects, reporting on such non-financial data has not yet become the majority. More statistics showed that, in 2009, almost 90% of the Fortune Global 100 issued CSR reports, but most stakeholders are still not clear with the social and environmental performance of these corporations. The author concludes that CSR reporting is certainly important for future years. 9. Shareholder value versus stakeholder values: CSR and ï ¬ nancialisation in global food ï ¬ rms Jones & Nisbet (2011) studies the range of CSR which includes a test case of food manufacturing industry. It investigates the causes of CSR that arises from the ï ¬ nancialisation of company strategies and how these deï ¬ ne and rank social promises and roles within such internal institutions. By analysing the four biggest global entities’ case, the negotiated closure of two speciï ¬ c factories verifies an incompatibility between deeming employees as stakeholders and CSR as a business strategy. This paper concluded that corporate CSR perspectives on ‘stakeholder partnerships’ are highly limited in scope. In addition, global firms’ CSR with in financialised markets are unlikely to complement or replace unalloyed market forces, or state regulation and intervention. It is beyond either neoliberal, socioeco-nomic governance by markets, or welfare regulation by public authorities. 10. Does CSR Reduce Firm Risk? Evidence from Controversial Industry Sectors Jo & Na (2012) clarified the links between CSR and firm risk in debatable industry sectors, such as alcohol, tobacco, gambling etc. and the result is found that CSR engagement inversely influences company risk after controlling for various characteristics of corporations. Jo & Na employ a system equation method and difference regressions to insistently search that CSR engagement of firms in controversial industry sectors negatively affects firm risk in order to cope with endogeneity problem. Authors found that, through CSR engagement, the influence of risk reduction is more economically and statistically important in controversial industry companies than the companies in non-controversial industry. Expectations In responding to the research question, the findings are expected to be appeared from academic papers that variously content the information about the relation between CSR and its influences to this society through legitimacy or stakeholder theory perspective. The expectations of results can be general or specific. For example, one result expected to be found is the conditions of interacted impacts based on the fundamental relations between legitimacy theory, stakeholder theory and CSR. Based on that finding, a further expectation can be made that whether CSR affects the legitimacy of a company and to what extent. Furthermore, I expect to find out what kind of corporations or industries are influenced or influenced most and to response what steps they will take to sustain existence. Another expectation of proper findings is the understanding of the role of theory in explaining motivation CSR and for what reasons that companies are voluntary or solicited. Moreover, the concept of what benefits CSR strategy may bring to corporations is required by the research question. In addition, the future forecast about CSR is also required in this topic. Lastly, how to make decisions between stakeholder theory and shareholder theory has to be discussed. Since the level of research we have done so far, more profound discussion should occur. The expectation can be whether CSR can complement or replace certain nature functions of the society or economy. Accounting Theories The accounting theories that might help me to explain the expectations I have for my research question are positive theory, legitimacy theory, stakeholder theory, shareholder theory and corporate social responsibility (CSR) theory. Positive theory explain, predict organisations’ activities. This theory is the fundamental for other theories. Legitimacy theory posits that business organisations are bound by the social contract to undertake socially desired actions in return for approval of their existence, goals and rewards from their activities. This theory has close relationship with CSR issues. Stakeholder theory suggests that the purpose of a business is to create as much value as possible for stakeholders while keep the interests of customers, suppliers, employees, communities and shareholders aligned and going in the same direction. Contrastively, shareholder Theory describes that businesses do not have any moral obligations or social responsibilities at all, other than to maximize their own profit. Shareholder and stakeholder theories are normative theories for CSR, guiding what a organisation’s role ought to be. Corporate social responsibility refers to the way that a business takes into account the financial, environmental and social impacts of decisions and actions it is involved in. This description meets the core of this article. Data Collection To collect enough data for this essay, I chose data base as my searching method. By accessing to UTAS account, I can simply use the library data base functions to search what I want. This is a timesaving and multi-functional approach. The reason why I made this point is that the library data base of UTAS has enormous resources and various types of articles such books, journals, dissertations, newspaper articles etc. I can easily use it to find the information. Moreover, the searching data base has many other functions, which require login, that are very convenient. For example, when I search an article, the resources are listed out really fast and it is automatically in a sequence of the most relevant outcomes. This procedure saves a lot of time from eliminating useless articles. The preview factor is amenity as well. After searching some particular key words, when I move my mouse onto any titles of the search results, without clicking on it, a preview window jumps out with all the brief information about this article. The best function is the ‘save this item’ button, which I can use to save useful articles neatly and simply. Ethics It is important to know that ethics is a bottom line of the work and research by our hands to avoid hurting other people or ourselves. Ethical considerations play important role during my research. Ethics approval helps to ensure that research complies with established guidelines. What I need to do at UTAS to obtain ethical approval is to plan the research project and find an organization to review on the plan. The Research Integrity and Ethics Sub-Committee (RIEC) can offer some help to me to obtain the ethical approval at UTAS. I can also go to the Research Integrity Advisers (RIAs) to ask for help. Clear view can be made that I have the duty to ensure the integrity of my work and that my research enhances the good name of UTAS and the profession. I am also required to observe ethical, professional and legal responsibilities in the conduct of research. In addition, I am aware of that students must apply for ethics approval prior to the recruitment of participants and the commencement of any data collection. It is not possible to retrospective ethics approval. Moreover, all resources used in my research must be electronic copies and documented. Question Development 1. According to the history of the evolution of the concept and definition of CSR, how did CSR bridge to other theories. By answering this question, respondents will be able to know about CSR’s evolution and more importantly, respondents will have some brief ideas about the relations built between legitimacy theory, stakeholder theory and CSR. 11. Does CSR affect companies’ legitimacy? If yes, to what extent do you think it will be? How did the CSR develop under different circumstances? This indicates the core link and gap between legitimacy and CSR. This article shows a trend that more and more companies are requested to report on their interactions with society in various forms which involves the term: solicited. 12. When do companies become voluntary or solicited? This answer illuminates the truth of growing significance of CSR in worldwide. 13. Which industries are most likely to be affected by the changes in CSR strategies of corporations? Respondents should enter into a deeper thought, although most of the businesses will be affected by CSR issues, only few of them paid high costs on their CSR problems. 14. What are the aspects of those companies to be influenced? By examining this idea, readers gain the knowledge of limitation of the scope of CSR consequence related to legitimacy. 15. What motions would organisations take to balance its legitimacy, CSR strategy and the profitable goals of company? This article studies the relations between environmental and social motions of organisations and organisational legitimacy. This question needs to be asked because that this article shows what loss will happen if CSR strategy is not appropriate. 16. What benefits can CSR strategy bring to corporations by studying business of CSR? Studying business case of CSR may produce some outcomes in good ways which are reducing cost and risk, strengthening legitimacy and reputation, building competitive advantage and creating win–win situations. 17. How is CSR going to affect the future’s companies’ reports? Answering this question will make readers realise how significant the CSR is and how will it enhance social and environmental conditions as to be treated a priority for politicians and other stakeholders. The CSR reporting is not only affecting current companies activities, but also future’s. 18. Can CSR complement or even replace unalloyed market forces, or state regulation and intervention? This question shows that CSR is so importance that even could be referred to the discussion of replacing state regulation. However, the conclusion is negative. 19. What is the relation between CSR and firm risk in controversial industry sectors? Readers will know the facts in reality of this case. Reference list 1. Carroll, AB 1999, ‘Corporate social responsibility: evolution of a deï ¬ nitional construct’, Business and Society, 38, pp. 268–295 2. Tilling, M 2004, ‘Refinements to legitimacy theory in social and environmental accounting’, Commerce Research Paper, no. 04-6, ISSN: 1441-3906. 3. Van der Laan, SL 2009, ‘The role of theory in explaining motivation for corporate social disclosures: voluntary disclosures vs ‘solicited’ disclosures’, The Australasian Accounting Business & Finance Journal, vol. 3, no.4. pp.15. 4. Moerman, L & Van der Laan, SL 2005, ‘Social reporting in the tobacco industry: all smoke and mirrors’, Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal, vol. 18, no.3, pp.374-389. 5. Guthrie, J, Cuganesan, S & Ward, L 2006, ‘Legitimacy theory: a story of reporting social and environmental matters within the Australian food and beverage industry’, The Fifth Asia Pacific Interdisciplinary Research in Accounting Conference, p.1-35. 6. Emtairah, T & Mont, O 2008, ‘Gaining legitimacy in contemporary world: environmental and social activities of organisations’, Int. J. Sustainable Society, vol. 1, no. 2, pp.134–148. 7. Carroll, AB & Shabana, KM 2010, ‘The business case for corporate social responsibility: a review of concepts, research and practice’, International Journal of Management Reviews, vol. 12, no.1, pp. 85-105. 8. Maguire, M 2011, ‘The future of corporate social responsibility reporting’, Issues In Brief, vol. 1, no. 1. 9. Jones, B & Nisbet, P 2011, ‘Shareholder value versus stakeholder values: CSR and ï ¬ nancialisation in global food ï ¬ rms’, Socio-Economic Review, vol. 9, no. 2, pp.287-314. 10. Jo, H & Na, H 2012, ‘Does CSR Reduce Firm Risk? Evidence from Controversial Industry Sectors’, Journal of Business Ethics, volume 110, no. 4, pp. 441-456

Police Brutality Essay

On March 3rd, 1991, Rodney King and his two friends were pulled over for speeding In Los Angeles. King had just recently been released from prison for second degree robbery and was still on parole. The police officers on duty reported speeds of 110-115 mph and even called in a helicopter for back up although there was no police chase involved. The police audio tape explains how King circled through a dark neighborhood going 55mph in a 40-mph zone and the how the vehicle stopped at a red light but failed to yield to police. Based on the statements of the audio tape, it appears the officers pursued King because he had a criminal record. King was pulled over by at least 15 officers in patrol cars. Two witnesses observed King getting out of his vehicle, while following police orders, as he lay on the ground. The police on scene reported King trying to stand up while being handcuffed causing an officer to fall and he also allegedly reached into his pants pocket that raised police concerns . They also said King kicked and swung at the officers while he charged at them. The eye witnesses said they didn’t see him attempt to do any of these accusations. While King was lying on the ground handcuffed, he was tazed with a stun gun and struck across the face with a baton by the apprehending police officers. A third witness was able to videotape the incident and it shows King was hogtied on the side of the road being beaten repeatedly for a couple minutes by the Los Angeles police officers. King was struck in the head and shoulders multiple times and was even stomped on in the head and neck area. Witnesses said out of all the officers on scene, not one of them made any effort to stop the beating. After King was beaten the police dragged him down the street face down, still hogtied and handcuffed, where he was left all alone. The ambulance arrived minutes after this horrific beating occurred. King was loaded onto the stretcher, still hogtied, and was taken to the hospital. King’s two friends were simply let go after the ambulance left. When King was examined by doctors, they found nine skull fractures, a shattered eye socket and cheekbone, a broken leg, a concussion, injuries to both knees and nerve damage that left his face partially paralyzed. King was released without charges. A sergeant and three officers were the only ones charged with this horrendous crime. (Deutsch n.p.). This case definitely helped shed more light and public awareness about police brutality, especially towards the L.A.P.D. (Los Angeles Police Department). The L.A.P.D. has had a bad reputation for generations of the heartless treatment of minorities and the disrespect they display towards civilians. There have been hundreds of racial profiling complaints towards the LAPD. They have yet to consider a single one valid. The L.A.P.D has the lowest officer-to-resident ratio consisting of 8,300 officers serving a population over 3.4 million. White officers make up 61% of the L.A.P.D while Los Angeles’s population consists of about 60% of nonwhites. Some believe that white police officers don’t understand a lot of things that go on in these areas and that could potentially be one reason why some instances result in excessive force. Being a police officer is a perilous occupation where police are sometimes put in dangerous situations and excessive force is needed. Although police are able to use excessive force to protect and serve our country, there are many police officers who abuse their power and privileges. Many officers use extreme measures when it deems unnecessary which results in police brutality or even death. Police brutality has been in the public view for quite some time but not much has been done about it because most evidence either gets covered up or disregarded. While citizens worry about protecting themselves from criminals, they must also keep a watchful eye on those who are supposed to protect and serve. Police brutality in the U.S., racial profiling, the prevention of abuse, and what we can do to protect ourselves and each other against police brutality are important views to be aware of that lead us to understand what we can do to help reduce these inhumane acts in our society. Many reports claim police brutality have risen quite a bit in recent years so that could easily explain why there are 3,890,000 police brutality videos accessible on the internet today and not only is it widespread it is profoundly entrenched. Police brutality is commonly known around the world as the use of unreasonable or excessive force used by the police to pursue or arrest civilians that end up causing serious injury to an individual for no reason at all. It is said that it mainly consists of white officers abusing minorities. This may include physical injury, false arrests, verbal attacks, physical intimidation, psychological manipulation, and sexual abuse. (Langsted n.p.). Surprisingly, many of the people that are involved in a police brutality case are not involved in criminal activities. They simply had a minor disagreement with the police officer. Little is being done to reduce or monitor the number of police beatings and evidence shows that â€Å"racial and ethnic minorities were disproportionately† harmed by harassment, verbal and physical abuse, and false arrests. (Lendman n.p.). Unfortunately, police can use excessive force anywhere and for whatever reason. Different causes of police brutality are more common in some places than others. California, New York, Florida and Texas see the most cases of police misconduct. Police brutality is mostly caused by hatred for another race or at times an individual person but the elderly, women, students, and elected officials have become victims as well because of their weakness and vulnerability. Police have attacked people in university libraries, in public meetings, and in their own homes. Federal records do show a large majority of police brutality cases are left unresolved where police are not prosecuted. (Rockwell n.p.). It’s disturbing to know civilians, who witness police brutality, are so intimated by police for the fear of retaliation they don’t intervene to stop police brutality. Police who commit brutality are most likely to commit perjury as well. Police will most likely lie on the stand to prevent any lawsuits against them or the department they work for. The most common form of perjury made by police is they say the Miranda rights were read to an individual when they really hadn’t been. However, there are decent cops who truly believe a guilty individual will go free unless they lie on the stand to help put the criminal to justice. When police are investigated about incidents involving beatings or shootings, many cases show the actions of the police were unjustified. Police usually get a slap on the hand (no suspension/mild discipline) or get off pretty easy (probation) when it comes to punishments they should be held more accountable, for instance, being guilty of a serious misconduct. Meaningful disciplinary action for police officers should be just as stern and dealt with in a very similar way as any other civilian’s punishment would. The public is given very little information if the case doesn’t make it to trial so therefore the abuse stays hidden and police abuse continues. Police misconducts should be taken more seriously because cops are held to a higher standard and have made a promise to protect and serve our country. Did you know that, in 2009, only 33% of police officers that were charged misconduct went through to conviction? Only 64% were convicted and received prison sentences. And an astonishing 14 months is the average length of time a police officer spends in prison. (â€Å"Injustice Everywhere† n.p.). Depending on what their actions and misconducts are, some should be either fired, prosecuted or their peace officer license taken away. If they are unable to hold up their end of the bargain of the promise they made to our country then they should simply find another job. Alvin F. Poussaint, M.D. is an associate professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School. He believes there are two main reasons that police officers have no problem with brutalizing people or witnessing them being beaten. The first reason is many officers get caught up in slogans such as â€Å"War on Crime† or â€Å"War on Drugs† they begin to see themselves as warriors in battle where the enemy beco mes the objective. The other reason is because the large amount of negativity policemen face and the number of bad people they are confronted with results in police making generalizations that take on racial tone. Police then feel people should be punished for who they are and what they represent. (Massaquoi n.p.). Although congress passed a Police Accountability Act in 1994, they failed to fund it. On top of that, the legislation doesn’t require police departments to provide data to the justice department nor are they required to keep any records. They don’t punish police violence or excessive force as human rights violations either. (Lendman n.p.). Police brutality is illegal and a violation of our civil rights that is protected by the United States Constitution. Recent studies show that since the attack on September 11, 2001 some police felt the use of excessive force was necessary so they began targeting individuals of middle-eastern or Islamic backgrounds. Although they thought or believed it was necessary to use excessive force doesn’t make their decision right because nobody is above the law, including police officers. Racial profiling as well as discrimination appears to be the leading causes of police brutality in America today. Decades of racial discrimination, poor urban planning, and failed labor policies have left African American’s jobless and trapped in poor neighborhoods. Once they are trapped, they rarely get opportunities needed to rise above poverty and have few positive role models so they feel they have no other choices but to turn to gangs and the life of crime so they can achieve a sense of belonging, protection, and money. Racial profiling is described as singling out any individuals or groups as potential suspects in a crime because of their race or ethnicity. Most victims that are subject to racial profiling are African Americans, Hispanic Americans, homosexuals, religious extremists and younger men. For example, if a police officer stops a young black man walking down the street or pulls him over while driving because they are viewed as commonly involved in drug crimes, stopping Hispanics near the Mexican border because illegal immigrants travel specific routes or Arab airplane passengers because Muslim groups have committed acts of terrorism are all acts of racial profiling. This commonly occurs in traffic stops, city streets, highways, schools, and are most common in California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, and Texas. Racial profiling is so controversial these days because minority groups feel victimized by their race, ethnicity or national origin rather than their behavior. Although only small parts of groups participate in illegal activities, racial profiling treats everyone of that group as suspects. Another way people look at it is based on the known information about group characteristics of those involved in crimes it helps the police identify a young black man in a high crime area, a Hispanic man near the Mexican border or a Muslim man in the airport who may be a threat to innocent individuals. â€Å"Evidence shows that racial minorities are systematically victimized, without cause, in public, when driving, at work, at home, in places of worship, and traveling, often violently. Agencies designed to ban federal officers from engaging in racial profiling is, in fact, flawed and does little to end it, because it doesn’t cover â€Å"profiling based on religion, religious appearance, or national origin.† A major impediment to (prohibiting it) remains the continued unwillingness or inability of the US government to pass federal legislation (banning the practice) with binding effect on federal, state or local law enforcement.† (Lendman n.p.). Racial profiling is a violation of our Constitutional Rights but police departments either: encourage it, does little or nothing about it or, believe it or not, believe it’s necessary. Preventing police brutality is an ongoing goal in America. It’s hard to find a balance between laws designed to protect individuals and police officers. One way to help reduce police brutality is to help address a bad situation when you witness one arise. This can be dangerous so a person should take precautionary measures as necessary. The best way to defend ourselves against police brutality is to stay away from any situations where police may be involved. If a person happens to become involved in a situation where a cop is using excessive force, the person should not retaliate because that will only cause the situation to become more dangerous and a possible accumulation of unwanted charges may occur. If they are taken into custody, they should contact an attorney as soon as possible and make sure to write down as many details about the incident they can remember so if the incident goes to court they have the appropriate documentation. There are two amendments of the U.S. Constitution that protect civilians against police brutality. The Fifth Amendment states that a person cannot be forced to act as a witness against himself, or be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process. In other words, an officer cannot force an individual to commit a crime, nor can an individual be incarcerated without due process. The fourteenth amendment adds that no person under the jurisdiction of the United States can be deprived of the protection of the law. (Langsted n.p.). Diop Kamau is a 52 year old former police officer who, for the last two decades, has made a career recording police abuse in the California area because of the mistreatment his father encountered in 1987 by another California department. Although he is aware he is not very popular with many police departments, he continues to bring public accountability for local law enforcement into the public eye by videotaping and using microphones to test the racial tendencies of the local police. Police debate if the videos are serving the public interest or if it is putting officer’s lives in danger and setting the foundation for the public not to trust law enforcement. In some cases police say they are afraid to react to a situation because they think they will get in trouble for something they thought they did in good faith, which could actually cause serious safety issues and concerns for police and civilians. There are two sides to every story and then there is the truth. These video recordings have helped tell the truth in many controversial cases between police officers and the accusers. Usually the police officers get the benefit of the doubt because they have made a promise to protect and serve our country but with the rising amount of police brutality in America today, these videos help settle cases of police misconduct. These videos can also help protect police officers against false accusations of mistreatment as well. Not only can they help protect the public and police officers in difficult situations, it shows how officers and employees interact with the public. This can help suggest possible ways for police officers to improve their interactions with the public and to retrain their employees in a positive manor. Kamau says, â€Å"Video is making victims more credible. If Rodney King would have tried to tell his story without video, nobody would have believed it.† (â€Å"Policeabuse.com† n.p.). There are many police crimes caught on tape that can easily be viewed on the internet. All you have to do is go to http://www.policecrimes.com/ to read about the horrendous stories posted or you can also search for video footage on http://www.youtube.com/ by typing police brutality in the search engine. There is also a National Police Misconduct News Feed website, www.injusticeeverywhere.com, which allows the public to review daily recap’s of police misconduct in the U.S. America has every right to know what kinds of actions police are taking that violate people’s rights. On the contrary, law enforcement experts believe the openness of police brutality in the public will group all cops as being mean and unprofessional when this is not necessarily the case. There are dedicated police officers that put their lives on the line to protect us from harm. Mediation introduces new opportunities for police accountability as well. An officer participating in mediation is directly accountable to the citizen who filed the complaint. This enables the police officer to take full responsibility for their actions. It also enhances positive changes in police subculture. The experience of mediation between the police officer and complainant and the opportunity to learn how one’s actions affect one another, people may eventually have an effect on the police subculture. (Walker, Archbold, and Herbst n.p.). The best way to reduce police brutality is for the police departments to admit there is an ongoing problem with police abuse and that it does truly exist. It’s just as important for the community to stand up for the fight against police brutality. Another way is to increase the training and education in the recruitment new police officers. Instead of hiring high school graduates, they should be required to have a college degree. A police department should also have a good leader in the department to guide police officers to do the right thing. Officers that live in the same city they are working in helps tremendously because they are aware of the mores of the society they reside. If a police officer is unaware of their surroundings, they can have trouble reacting to situations they haven’t experienced before. Acknowledgement of the law and civil rights can help civilians distinguish what is right from wrong when it comes to treatment by police officers. Police brutality in the U.S., racial profiling, the prevention of abuse, and what we can do to protect ourselves and each other against police brutality are important views to be aware of that lead us to understand what we can do to help reduce these inhumane acts in our society. Police brutality and racial profiling have been continuous issues that have been around for hundreds of years, after slavery ended and it still continues to happen today. The knowledge of why and where it’s happening and the understanding of goals towards a better police accountability system can help American’s come together to create a peaceful and less violent society. It also teaches us how protect ourselves and each other against the inhumane acts by police officers if we are ever faced with such an unfortunate event. Being a police officer is a perilous occupation where police are put in dangerous situations sometimes and excessive force is needed. Although police are able to use excessive force there are many police officers who abuse their power and privileges. Many officers use extreme measures when it deems unnecessary which results in police brutality or even death. Police brutality has been in the public view for quite some time but not much has been done about it because most evidence either gets covered up or disregarded. While citizens worry about protecting themselves from criminals, they must also keep an eye on those who are trained to protect and serve our country. It may have taken for eye witnesses and their video cameras to capture the mistreatment of civilians of police brutality going on in the U.S, especially towards African American’s, but at least the problem is now being acknowledged and brought to the public’s attention instead of just being swept under a rug. People want the protection of police without having their rights violated along with the prevention of crime. There are many changes that occur as time goes on as far as laws, policies, people, attitudes, generations, beliefs and so on. The operations of police departments should be among the changes. We, as a nation, need to come together to prevent our families, friends and future generations from becoming a victim of police brutality. The past does not have to be the future so let’s take criminal justice more seriously so we can continue on towards the goal of having peace on earth. Works Cited Page , ed. â€Å"For cops, citizen videos bring increased scrutiny.†Policeabuse.com. USA Today, 01012012. Web. 6 Apr 2012. , ed. â€Å"National Police Misconduct NewsFeed Daily Recap 04-05-12.† Injustice Everywhere. Injustice Everywhere, 040512. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Deutsch, Linda. â€Å"Police tape: ‘You just had a big-time use of force’.† THE OREGONIAN. The Associated Press, 03191991. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Langsted, Evan. â€Å"Questions about Police Brutality.†Articlesbase. Articlesbase, 08242009. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Lendman, Stephen. â€Å"Police Brutality in America.† Baltimore Chronicle & Sentinel. The Baltimore News Network, 07132010. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Massaquoi, Hans. â€Å"How to stop police brutality – includes 12 steps to solving problem of police brutality.†Business Library. Ebony, 04062012. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Rockwell, Lew. â€Å"Quick Facts: US police brutality.† YOU.S DESK. Press TV, 12172011. Web. 6 Apr 2012. Walker, Samuel, Carol Archbold, and Leigh Herbst. â€Å"U.S Department of Justice.† Mediating Citizen Complaints Against Police Officers: A Guide For Police and Community Leaders. Department of Criminal Justice, 08022002. Web. 6 Apr 2012.

Gauging the Effectiveness of Anti-war Activities essays

Gauging the Effectiveness of Anti-war Activities essays The Vietnam War leaves many dark legacies described in the superlatives: the most unpopular war, the most bombs dropped compared to all prior wars combined, the worst loss in U.S. military operation, and the list goes on. However, a legacy that is acutely palpable today as many Americans protest against the war in Iraq is the phobia about sending American troops abroad - otherwise known as the Vietnam syndrome. The Vietnam War is a black hole in U.S history that Americans do not want to revisit. This is evident through the U.S.s concentrated and decisive attacks during the Persian Gulf War in 1991 (perhaps soon to be Persian Gulf War I) that never eradicated the Saddam regime and its brief involvement in the Yugoslavia ethnic cleansing crises. Now, the possibility of war is near. The fear still resonating from Vietnam and the hope for peace prompt Americans to take a place in demonstrations. However, we must ask ourselves, how effective are protests and demonstrations in changing the minds, the policy of the people who ultimately decide the course of events and are resolute to do so by force? This is not to discredit the necessity of protests and demonstrations, but to question as to how one gauges the effectiveness of such actions. Deriving from the Oxford English Dictionary, to demonstrate is to publicly manifest an interest in public issues, usually taking the form of a procession or mass-meeting, and to protest is to express dissent or rejection of prevailing issues. During the Vietnam War, a distinction arose between these two concepts. Demonstration refers to a passive manifestation while protest refers to a more forceful one. However, the goal of these two activities is essentially the same: demanding a change in policy of a certain issue, which in the context of this essay is war. Various protests and demonstrations in history yielded different results. In the 1940s, the passive resistance against...

Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote Study Guide

Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote Study Guide Written by experimental author Jorge Luis Borges, Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote does not follow the format of a traditional short story. While a standard 20th-century short story describes a conflict that builds steadily towards a crisis, climax, and resolution, Borgess story imitates (and often parodies) an academic or scholarly essay. The title character of Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote is a poet and literary critic from France-and is also, unlike a more traditional title character, dead by the time the story begins. The narrator of Borgess text is one of Menards friends and admirers. In part, this narrator is moved to write his eulogy because misleading accounts of the newly-deceased Menard have begun to circulate: Already Error is attempting to tarnish his bright Memory†¦ Most decidedly, a brief rectification is imperative (88). Borgess narrator begins his rectification by listing all of the visible lifework of Pierre Menard, in proper chronological order (90). The twenty or so items on the narrators list include translations, collections of sonnets, essays on intricate literary topics, and finally a handwritten list of lines of poetry that owe their excellence to punctuation (89-90). This overview of Menards career is the preface to a discussion of Menards single most innovative piece of writing. Menard left behind an unfinished masterpiece which consists of the ninth and thirty-eighth chapters of Part I of Don Quixote and a fragment of Chapter XXII (90). With this project, Menard didnt aim to merely transcribe or copy Don Quixote, and he didnt attempt to produce a 20th-century updating of this 17th-century comic novel. Instead, Menards admirable ambition was to produce a number of pages which coincided-word for word and line for line with those of Miguel de Cervantes, the original author of the Quixote (91). Menard achieved this re-creation of the Cervantes text without really re-creating Cervantess life. Instead, he decided that the best route was continuing to be Pierre Menard and coming to the Quixote through the experiences of Pierre Menard (91). Although the two versions of the Quixote chapters are absolutely identical, the narrator prefers the Menard text. Menards version is less reliant on local color, more skeptical of historical truth, and on the whole more subtle than Cervantess (93-94). But on a more general level, Menards Don Quixote establishes and promotes revolutionary ideas about reading and writing. As the narrator notes in the final paragraph, Menard has (perhaps unwittingly) enriched the slow and rudimentary art of reading by means of a new technique the technique of deliberate anachronism and fallacious attribution (95). Following Menards example, readers can interpret canonical texts in fascinating new ways by attributing them to authors who didnt actually write them. Background and Contexts Don Quixote and World Literature: Published in two installments in the early 17th century, Don Quixote is regarded by many readers and scholars as the first modern novel. (For literary critic Harold Bloom, Cervantes’s importance to world literature is rivaled only by Shakespeare’s.) Naturally, Don Quixote would have intrigued an avant-garde Argentine author like Borges, partially because of its impact on Spanish and Latin American literature, and partially because of its playful approach to reading and writing. But there is another reason why Don Quixote is especially appropriate to â€Å"Pierre Menard†- because Don Quixote spawned unofficial imitations in its own time. The unauthorized sequel by Avellaneda is the most famous of these, and Pierre Menard himself can be understood as the latest in a line of Cervantes imitators. Experimental Writing in the 20th Century: Many of the world-famous authors who came before Borges crafted poems and novels that are built largely of quotations, imitations, and allusions to earlier writings. T.S. Eliot’s The Waste Land- a long poem that uses a disorienting, fragmentary style and draws constantly on myths and legends- is one example of such reference-heavy writing. Another example is James Joyce’s Ulysses, which mixes bits of everyday speech with imitations of ancient epics, medieval poetry, and Gothic novels. This idea of an â€Å"art of appropriation† also influenced painting, sculpture, and installation art. Experimental visual artists such as Marcel Duchamp created â€Å"ready-made† artworks by taking objects from everyday life- chairs, postcards, snow shovels, bicycle wheels- and putting them together in strange new combinations. Borges situates â€Å"Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote† in this growing tradition of quotation and appropriation. (In fact, the final sentence of the story refers to James Joyce by name.) But â€Å"Pierre Menard† also shows how the art of appropriation can be taken to a comical extreme and does so without exactly lighting earlier artists; after all, Eliot, Joyce, and Duchamp all created works that are meant to be humorous or absurd. Key Topics Menard’s Cultural Background: Despite his choice of Don Quixote, Menard is mainly a product of French literature and French culture- and makes no secret of his cultural sympathies. He is identified in Borges’s story as a â€Å"Symbolist from Nà ®mes, a devotee essentially of Poe- who begat Baudelaire, who begat Mallarmà ©, who begat Valà ©ry† (92). (Though born in America, Edgar Allan Poe had an enormous French following after his death.) In addition, the bibliography that starts off â€Å"Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote† includes â€Å"a study of the essential metrical rules of French prose, illustrated with examples taken from Saint-Simon† (89). Oddly enough, this ingrained French background helps Menard to understand and re-create a work of Spanish literature. As Menard explains, he can easily imagine the universe â€Å"without the Quixote.† For him, â€Å"the Quixote is a contingent work; the Quixote is not necessary. I can premeditate committing it to writing, as it were- I can write it- without falling into a tautology† (92). Borges’s Descriptions: There are many aspects of Pierre Menard’s life- his physical appearance, his mannerisms, and most of the details of his childhood and domestic life- that are omitted from â€Å"Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote†. This is not an artistic flaw; in fact, Borges’s narrator is fully conscious of these omissions. Given the opportunity, the narrator consciously backs away from the task of describing Menard, and explains his reasons in the following footnote: â€Å"I did, I might say, have the secondary purpose of drawing a small sketch of the figure of Pierre Menard- but how dare I compete with the gilded pages I am told the Baroness de Bacourt is even now preparing, or with the delicate sharp crayon of Carolus Hourcade?† (90). Borges’s Humor: â€Å"Pierre Menard† can be read as a send-up of literary pretensions- and as a piece of gentle self-satire on Borges’s part. As Renà © de Costa writes in Humor in Borges, â€Å"Borges creates two outlandish types: the adulating critic who worships a single author, and the worshiped author as a plagiarist, before ultimately inserting himself into the story and rounding things out with a typical self-parody.† In addition to praising Pierre Menard for questionable accomplishments, Borges’s narrator spends much of the story criticizing â€Å"Mme. Henri Bachelier,† another literary type who admires Menard. The narrator’s willingness to go after someone who is, technically, on his side- and to go after her for rather obscure reasons- is another stroke of ironic humor. As for Borges’s humorous self-criticism, de Costa notes that Borges and Menard have strangely similar writing habits. Borges himself was known among his friends for â€Å"his square-ruled notebooks, his black crossings-out, his peculiar typographical symbols, and his insect-like handwriting† (95, footnote). In the story, all of these things are attributed to the eccentric Pierre Menard. The list of Borges stories that poke gentle fun at aspects of Borges’s identity- â€Å"Tlà ¶n, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius†, â€Å"Funes the Memorious†, â€Å"The Aleph†, â€Å"The Zahir†- is considerable, though Borges’s most extensive discussion of his own identity occurs in â€Å"The Other†. A Few Discussion Questions How would â€Å"Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote† be different if it centered on a text other than Don Quixote? Does Don Quixote seem like the most appropriate choice for Menard’s strange project, and for Borges’s story? Should Borges have focused his satire on a totally different selection from world literature?Why did Borges use so many literary allusions in â€Å"Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote†? How do you think Borges wants his readers to react to these allusions? With respect? Annoyance? Confusion?How would you characterize the narrator of Borges’s story? Do you feel that this narrator is simply a stand-in for Borges, or are Borges and the narrator very different in major ways?Are the ideas about writing and reading that appear in this story totally absurd? Or can you think of real-life reading and writing methods that recall Menard’s ideas? Note on Citations All in-text citations refer to Jorge Luis Borges, Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote, pages 88-95 in Jorge Luis Borges: Collected Fictions (Translated by Andrew Hurley. Penguin Books: 1998).